Sun Yat-sen’s views On The Role Of The Political Parties And The Military In China《孙中山关于中国政党和军队作用的看法》
To what extent were Sun Yat-sen’s views on the role of the political parties and the military in China simply copied from the Soviet Union?
孙中山关于中国政党和军队作用的观点在多大程度上是抄袭苏联的?
The ideas of Sun Yat-sen have been crucial to the development of China in the twentieth century. Often referred to as the ‘father of the nation’ (Mackerras 1998, p23), Sun Yat-sen was the instigator of the revolution that overthrew the monarchy in China and later formed the basis of the ideology within the Nationalist Party. Certainly following the 1911 revolution Sun Yat-sen developed links with the Communist Party in Russia and continued to forge close links with Russia for more than a decade, yet much of this was in a pragmatic attempt to gain aid and support from the Soviet government, rather than inspired by the policies of the Soviet state. Some of his views were influenced by the Soviet Union, yet to states that his ideas were simply copied from the Soviet Union would be an exaggeration. Sun Yat-sen was widely travelled and educated – his ideas came from a variety of sources and his aims were to develop principles specific to China rather than to attempt to implement a political system from another nation and another culture. In his later years, Soviet advisers did gain a greater influence over SunYat-sen but it would be fairer to say that he took on board ideas that he felt suited his cause, rather than simply copied them.
Born to a poor family near Canton, Sun Yat-sen was largely educated in Hawaii. As a young man he was certainly at home as much abroad as in China and was comfortable conversing in English (Fitzgerald 1971, p24). Having learnt of the power and development of the West, he quickly became convinced of the corruption of the Manchu dynasty and made up his mind that only revolutionary change could save China. He was willing to engage radical ideas that had been impressed upon him by Western democracies. He saw a republic as favourable as monarchies had gone out of fashion in Europe and was impressed by the relative success of democracy in the more advanced Western nations.
留学生论文范例
Su Yat-sen’s earliest revolutionary ideas preceded the Soviet Union, and his much of his early thinking was done abroad. He spent time in Britain, collating ideas in the reading room of the British library and seeking out a variety of sources. Schiffrin reports that: Sun wasted no moments in gaieties; he was forever at work, reading books on all subjects which appertained to political, diplomatic, legal, military and naval matters; mines and mining, agriculture, cattle rearing, engineering, political economy etc; occupied his attention and were studied closely and persistently. The range of his opportunities for acquiring knowledge has been such as few men have ever had (Schiffrin 1968, p134). As early as 1897, Sun Yat-sen came into contact with Russian revolutionaries, meeting on several occasions in London with Felix Volhovsky, the editor of the English Society of Friends of Russian Freedom.孙中山最早的革命思想出现在苏联之前，他的早期思想大多是在国外完成的。他在英国呆了一段时间，在英国图书馆的阅览室里整理思想，并寻找各种资源。席夫林报告说:太阳没有浪费时间在欢乐;他总是在工作，阅读各种与政治、外交、法律、军事和海军有关的书籍。矿业、农业、畜牧业、工程、政治经济学等;占据了他的注意力，并被仔细地、持续地研究。他获得知识的机会的范围是很少有人有过的(Schiffrin 1968，第134页)。早在1897年，孙中山就与俄国革命者有过接触，他在伦敦多次会见了俄国自由之友英国协会的编辑菲利克斯·沃尔霍夫斯基。
The basis of Sun Yat-sen’s political philosophy is his Three People’s Principles which detailed his ideal of a government that would serve the people of China. The principles were named nationalism, democracy and the people’s livelihood and were devised by SunYat-sen with the aim of restoring the nation as a powerful and successful democracy. Throughout his political life he came into contact with Russian revolutionaries and certainly at different stages they have contributed to his basic principles.
Russian influence was notable not only to SunYat-sen but to many education Chinese, particularly in the period following the 4th May uprising in 1919. This period saw the beginnings of nationalism in China, with many in the country becoming increasingly angered at the corrupt minister that they saw as having sold the country to Japan’ (Fitzgerald 1971, p24). The educated class in China gradually came to realise the state of the nation both internally and on the international stage and thus look abroad for ideas on how to make the nation strong again. Fitzgerald writes of this period Nationalism as opposed to Republican idealism, was born. he new enthusiasts did not much care what form it took as long as it did something to restore China (Fitzgerald 1971, p41). The Russian Revolution was an appealing alternative to young Chinese. Many were nationalists, and if some were lacking in understanding of communism, many others were attracted intellectually to the doctrines of Marx and Lenin. Above all else, many, and this undoubtedly includes Sun Yat-sen, were highly impressed by the transformation of Russia from a decaying monarchy to a socialist republic. It was apparent that other foreign powers were unable to stop the Russian revolution and feared the new Soviet state – this strength on the world stage was also appealing to Chinese nationalists. Sun Yat-sen who had been living in Shanghai at the time was one of many Chinese who admired the Revolution and had few qualms about the violent means to carry it out; in China the idea of ‘woe to the conquered’ was a fact of political life (Fitzgerald 1971, p46).
俄国的影响不仅对孙中山有显著的影响，对许多受过教育的中国人也有显著的影响，特别是在1919年5月4日起义之后的时期。这一时期见证了中国民族主义的开始，许多人对腐败的部长越来越愤怒，认为他把国家卖给了日本”(菲茨杰拉德1971，第24页)。中国受过教育的阶层逐渐认识到国内和国际舞台上的国家状况，从而向国外寻求如何使国家再次强大的想法。菲茨杰拉德写到这一时期，与共和党理想主义相反的民族主义诞生了。新发烧友们并不太关心它以什么形式出现，只要它对恢复中国有所帮助就行(菲茨杰拉德，1971，第41页)。俄国革命对年轻的中国人来说是一个有吸引力的选择。许多人是民族主义者，如果有些人缺乏对共产主义的理解，那么另一些人则被马克思和列宁的学说所吸引。最重要的是，许多人，其中无疑包括孙中山，对俄罗斯从腐朽的君主制到社会主义共和国的转变印象深刻。很明显，其他外国势力无法阻止俄罗斯革命，并担心新的苏维埃国家——世界舞台上的这种力量也对中国民族主义者有吸引力。当时生活在上海的孙中山，是许多羡慕革命的中国人之一，他对实行革命的暴力手段没有什么顾虑;在中国，“被征服者祸哉”的观念是政治生活的现实(菲茨杰拉德1971，第46页)。
In examining the influence of the Soviet Union over Sun Yat-sen’s thinking, one has to appreciate that as a revolutionary and a socialist, it is only natural that he would have an interest in Soviet Russia. The Russian Revolution was one of the major political developments of his age and Soviet policies on political parties and the military would have been of interest to any revolutionary thinker at the time. Between 1920 and 1922 he was actively courted by emissaries from Russia and representatives from Comintern. Wilbur writes that Sun Yat-sen remained keen to be kept informed of developments in the Soviet Union and suggests that he showed much sympathy for the Russian Revolution, and his words suggest that he made a psychological identification between the Russian Revolution and his own efforts, and between himself and Lenin (Wilbur 1976, p112).
As early as 1918, Sun Yat-sen had telegraphed Lenin on behalf of the South China Parliament and the Chinese Revolutionary Party, congratulating him on the ongoing struggle in Russia and expressing the hope that the Soviet and Chinese parties might one day join forces in a common struggle. At this stage, his words have to be seen as a gesture of comradeship rather than an expression of any serious intent – the chaotic state of Russia at the time would have given Sun little basis for ideas on political and military organisation.
早在1918年，孙中山就代表华南议会和中国革命党给列宁发电报，祝贺俄国正在进行的斗争，并表示希望苏中两党有朝一日联合起来共同斗争。在这个阶段，他的言论只能被看作是一种同志情谊的姿态，而不是任何严肃意图的表达——当时俄罗斯的混乱状态让孙中山在政治和军事组织方面几乎没有什么思想基础。
An American journalist, George Sokolsky, became a part of Sun Yat-sen’s entourage in Shanghai in early 1919 and facilitated discussion around possible military cooperation. However, Sun’s position in terms of the military differed at the tame from that of the Soviets – the Russian wanted an end to seemingly endless fighting whilst SunYat-sen remained, in the words of a Russian colonel an old-fashioned militarist who saw no way of saving his country except through arms (Wilbur 1976, p116). In years to come, the Soviets would consistently attempt to covert Sun Yat-sen from his reliance on military force to achieve political goals.
The period 1920-22 saw Sun Yat-sen eager to win financial aid from other nations. As a result he made some form of contact with practically all of the major power – the USA, Great Britain, France, Japan and Germany. As much as there was a warm relationship with Russia, it is likely that SunYat-sen would have happily taken aid from other powers had it been available. His correspondence and talks with Soviet envoy Adolf Joffe give some idea as to the somewhat confused nature of Sun’s relationship with the Soviets. Whilst stating to Joffe that the Soviet system was not suitable for China, Sun Yat-sen allowed Joffe’s influence to help regulate the roles of the Communist and Nationalist parties in preparation for the coming revolution. In 1923, he agreed to communists joining the Nationalist Party as inpiduals and it was advisors such as Joffe who helped Sun Yat-sen to organise his armies and free himself from the dominance of Chinese warlords (Fitzgerald 1971, p47). A joint statement issued with Joffe had been unequivocal on the issue of the political system that SunYat-sen was aiming for and summarises accurately his ideas about any future relationship that China would have with the Soviets.. It stated: Dr SunYat-sen holds that the Communistic order or even the Soviet system cannot actually be introduced into China, because there do not exist here the conditions for the successful establishment of either communism of Sovietism. This view is shared entirely by Dr Joffe, who is further of the opinion that China’s paramount and most pressing problem is to achieve national unification and attain full national independence, and regarding this task, he has assured Dr SunYat-sen that China has the warmest sympathy of the Russian people and can count ton the support of Russia (Wilbur 1976, p137).
SunYat-sen’s priorities at the beginning of the 1920s were simply to build a peaceful, united China operating within some form of constitutional order. He believed that foreign aid was vital for him to do this and utilise a number of tactics to do this. He wrote to foreign heads of state, had allies abroad campaign on his behalf and used military, economic and diplomatic strategies to try and achieve his goals. In terms of military aid and advice, he attempted to arrange for military advisers from Russia, amongst other nations.
20世纪20年代初，孙中山的首要任务就是在某种形式的宪法秩序下，建立一个和平统一的中国。他相信外国援助对他来说是至关重要的，他运用了很多策略来做到这一点。他写信给外国元首，让国外的盟友代表他竞选，并利用军事、经济和外交策略试图实现他的目标。在军事援助和建议方面，他试图从俄罗斯和其他国家安排军事顾问。
His correspondence with Joffe led to a reorganisation of Sun’s Kuomintang Party. Whilst the Communist Party had advocated a revolutionary alliance with the Kuomintang, Sun rejected this idea, insisting instead that all Chinese revolutionaries join his organisation. By October 1922,Sun had inducted some Communist Party leaders into his party, and appointed their lead, Ch’en Tu-hsiu as a member of a nine man committee to plan for the reorganisation of the party (Wilbur 1976, p131).
留学生论文怎么写
1923年孙中山在广州建党，试图建立自己的权力基础。正是在这一时期，迈克尔·鲍罗丁的到来开启了孙中山思想在苏联的最协调一致的影响时期。鲍罗丁的作用是充当苏俄援助和指导革命运动的工具，他还煽动了国民党按照布尔什维克主义路线进行重组。鲍罗丁没花多少时间就概述了他的国民党重组计划，该计划的基础是在孙中山的领导下成立一个21人组成的临时全国委员会，由国民党、共产党、社会主义青年团和工会的最杰出成员组成。孙中山采纳了鲍罗丁的一些观点，并开始计划重组国民党。他任命了一个由9人组成的临时中央执行委员会来起草一个新的政党纲领和党章，并为该党的第一次全国代表大会做准备，任命鲍罗丁为委员会的顾问。孙中山向自己的追随者明确表示，尽管他遵循了苏联关于党的组织的一些建议，但他不会盲目地遵循这些建议。他表示:“现在的组织改编应该保留我们党原有的élan组织，而采用苏联的俄罗斯组织，在消除罪恶的同时获得利益。”我们可能只会把苏联束缚起来，然后把它推上去(威尔伯1976,p175)。
A military crisis shortly after Borodin’s arrival in Canton gave the Russian adviser an opportunity to have some influence over SunYat-sen’s military policies. His forces in the city were very much on the back foot against LinHu’s forces, with both army and navy troops deserting. Borodin’s plan was to play on the nationalism and economic aspirations of the Canton population. He issued decrees promising land to the peasants through the confiscation and distribution of landlord holdings, along with encouraging an eight-hour day and a minimum wage for workers. The plan worked to inspire a greater military effort at the front and the crisis was averted. Shortly afterward, Sun made a speech discussing past party failures and explaining that the ongoing reorganisation was intended to spread the part’s influence across all of China and release it from an exclusive dependence on military force – this had been very much a soviet idea. Sun Yat-sen, at this particular time, was keen to base his Three Principles of the People on a Soviet model. He stated: Now a good friend, Mr Borodin, has come from Russia.If we hope for victory in revolution, we should study the Russian methods of organisation and training (Wilbur 1976, p179). Sun argued the Soviet position that Communism had been chosen by the Russian people and that nationalism and popular support had enable it to defeat both internal enemies and external powers. His view was that that the Russian people were no longer the salves of foreign powers and that China’s revolution had failed to succeeded to date as it had not fully embraced nationalism in either its party organisation or within the military.
There was some opposition to what was seen by some as too much dependence on Soviet ideas on party organisation by Sun Yat-sen, yet1923 was the year when Soviet ideas held the most influence over Sun. In speeches he praised the discipline of Soviet party organisation and spoke positively on how a united party could take the movement away from such a dependence on armed force. Nonetheless, leaders with the Kuomintang remained concerned at the influence of the Communist International and the policies of admitting communists and allying with Soviet Russia. Petitions to SunYat-sen however met simply with denial of allegations and assurances about the Soviets. Sun increasingly had begun to argue the point that there was little difference between his Principles of People’s Livelihood and Communism.
有些人认为孙中山的党组织过于依赖苏联思想，对此也有一些反对意见，但1923年是苏联思想对孙中山影响最大的一年。在演讲中，他赞扬了苏联党组织的纪律，并积极地谈到一个团结的政党如何能使这场运动摆脱对武装力量的依赖。尽管如此，国民党领导人仍然担心共产国际的影响，以及接纳共产党员和与苏俄结盟的政策。然而，孙中山的请愿书却遭到了简单的否认和对苏联的保证。孙中山开始越来越多地提出，他的“民生原则”和“共产主义”没有什么区别。
The first National Congress of the Kuomintang met in Canton in January 1924 and confirmed a plan of party reorganisation based largely along the lines of Borodin’s advice. A new leadership was established to create a mass party with a wider influence across China. Sun Yat-sen saw his name written into the constitution as leader, with power of veto. Sun again spoke glowingly of the Soviet system, stating that its system of placing party above government was the most modern in the world (Wilbur 1976,p191).
Speeches given by SunYat-sen in 1924 formed the basis for what is understood as his basic philosophy, contained in his Three Principles. The lectures were largely based around his ideas on nationalism and give the clearest indication as to the effect that Soviet ideas had on his thinking in the latter years of his life. He saw the military future as one not of wars between races but between social classes or of oppressed against oppressor. He also talked more openly of empire and of recovering some of China’s territorial losses to other colonial powers. He spoke of the military dangers caused by China’s small military capability. He argued that Japan would be able to conquer China within two weeks, the United States within a month. Sun also move away from his earlier democratic tendencies in his later speeches, suggested that the Soviet style ‘dictatorship of the people’ was the most effective form of government.
1924年孙中山的演讲为他的基本哲学奠定了基础，即他的“三个原则”。这些演讲很大程度上是基于他的民族主义思想，并清楚地表明了苏联思想对他晚年思想的影响。他认为未来的军事不是种族之间的战争，而是社会阶层之间的战争，或是被压迫者与压迫者之间的战争。他还更公开地谈到了帝国，以及收复一些被其他殖民列强占领的领土。他谈到了中国军力薄弱所带来的军事危险。他主张，日本可以在两周内征服中国，一个月之内征服美国。孙中山在后来的演讲中也改变了他早期的民主倾向，暗示苏维埃式的“人民专政”是最有效的政府形式。
Borodin’s influence on SunYat-sen’s lectures was clear, as was some of the ideas in terms of the military taken on board by Sun whilst Borodin was based in Canton. One of the roles of Borodin’s team was to establish a Kuomintang military academy, to be assisted with Russian advice and funds. The idea behind the Whampoa Military Academy was to produce, Soviet style, a politically indoctrinated and reliable corps of junior officers to form the basis for an army first and foremost loyal to the party. Russian officers instructed at the academy and Sun’s military capability was further enhanced in October 1924 by the arrival of a shipment of Russian arms, including several thousand rifles and ammunition, accompanied by a further nine Russian officers to continue training at the military academy.
Sun Yat-sen was not a confirmed Marxist and differed from the Soviet Union in this respect. He was never of the belief that Marxism could genuinely work in China. In other areas however, in particular party organisation, he was undoubtedly attracted to Soviet ideas Above all else Sun was a patriot who most of all wanted to make his nation great again. He saw the Soviet as a good example for China to follow – through revolution and the embracing of nationalism, a nation that had suffered under corrupt rule and at the hands of established colonial powers could once again reassert itself. The Soviet Union was also an ally. Whilst Sun Yat-sen may well have allied closer to other nations who offered help, the fact is that it was the Soviet Union that offered help to him and his movement. Sun Yat-sen was educated enough to form his own opinions about the best methods of party and military organisation. He may have come under some pressure from the likes of Joffe and Borodin to adopt Soviet methods but the Soviet ideas that he use were ones that he genuinely believed would best help his cause. In many ways, SunYat-sen was a pragmatist – he used the Soviet Union for his own benefit and would have acted similarly with other allies. Others within his party had concerns about the way he was influenced by Soviet ideas, but Sun was making a active choice to take on board these ideas – he was not simply copying them
孙中山不是一个坚定的马克思主义者，在这方面与苏联不同。他从不相信马克思主义能真正在中国发挥作用。然而，在其他方面，特别是党的组织，他无疑被苏联的思想所吸引。首先，孙中山是一个爱国者，他最想让他的国家再次伟大。在他看来，苏联为中国树立了一个良好的榜样，让中国走上革命之路，拥抱民族主义。这个国家曾在腐败统治下饱受折磨，还曾受到老牌殖民列强的统治，现在又可以重新确立自己的地位了。苏联也是中国的盟友。虽然孙中山很可能与其他提供帮助的国家结成了更紧密的联盟，但事实是，是苏联为他和他的运动提供了帮助。孙中山受过足够的教育，在政党和军事组织的最佳方法方面形成了自己的观点。他可能受到了来自Joffe和Borodin等人的压力，要求他采用苏联的方法，但他真诚地认为，他所采用的苏联思想对他的事业最有帮助。在很多方面，孙中山都是一个实用主义者——他利用苏联为自己谋利益，对待其他盟友也会采取类似的行动。党内其他人对他受苏联思想影响的方式表示担忧，但孙中山积极选择采纳这些思想——他不是简单地复制它们
留学生论文相关专业范文素材资料，尽在本网，可以随时查阅参考。本站也提供多国留学生论文写作指导服务，如有需要可咨询本平台。